India in Indo-Pacific: from SAGAR to Mahasagar

 

 India in Indo-Pacific: from SAGAR to Mahasagar

Dr. Amar Singh

Assistant Professor

Department of Defence and Strategic Studies

D. S. College, Aligarh, Uttar Pradesh, India

Email: amarjnu001@gmail.com

Mobile no.: 9971200716

Abstract:

The Indo-Pacific region has become a pivotal arena for global geopolitical and economic shifts, shaped by evolving power dynamics, strategic rivalries, and emerging maritime security challenges. This paper explores the changing landscape of the Indo-Pacific, emphasizing key geopolitical issues such as the expanding influence of China, the militarization of critical maritime chokepoints, and the intricate interplay among regional and global powers. In response to these challenges, India has articulated a dynamic maritime strategy through its flagship initiatives, “SAGAR” (Security and Growth for All in the Region) and “MAHASAGAR” (Maritime Awareness for Security and Growth in the Region). These strategic frameworks reflect India’s broader geopolitical ambitions, highlighting its commitment to regional security, economic prosperity, and the promotion of a rules-based international order.

Through this analysis, the paper sheds light on the nuanced evolution of India’s maritime strategy and its role in shaping the future of the Indo-Pacific. In conclusion, the Indo-Pacific is increasingly characterized by a complex mix of competition, contestation, and conflict, alongside cooperation, collaboration, and convergence. India’s initiatives under SAGAR and MAHASAGAR underscore its proactive approach to safeguarding maritime interests, fostering regional prosperity, and asserting its leadership within the Indo-Pacific region.

Keywords: SAGAR, MAHASAGAR, Indian Ocean Rim Association, Indo-Pacific

Introduction

The Indo-Pacific has emerged as the central geopolitical and geo-economic construct of the 21st century. Encompassing the vast maritime expanse from the eastern shores of Africa to the western coasts of the Americas, this region is now the nexus of global trade, strategic competition, and political realignments. Over 60% of international maritime trade transits through this space, and it hosts more than half the world’s population and major global powers, including the United States, China, Japan, and India (Brewster, 2019). As such, the Indo-Pacific is not merely a geographic expression, but a strategic arena that shapes the global balance of power. Admiral Tripathi defined the present global order as a state of flux, with the Indo-Pacific at the forefront of change. He noted that the region is characterized by a complex interplay of competition, cooperation, and conflict, particularly in the maritime domain. He remarked, “The Indo-Pacific is increasingly characterised by the turbulent tides of competition, contestation and conflict co-existing with cooperation, collaboration and convergence.”

India, located at the fulcrum of the Indo-Pacific, is uniquely positioned to influence the emerging regional order. Historically, India’s strategic orientation has been continental, focused on territorial defense and land-based threats. However, the changing dynamics of international politics, rising maritime commerce, and the increasing assertiveness of China have propelled India to expand its maritime vision. This transition is most visibly captured in two key articulations of India’s maritime doctrine: the SAGAR initiative and the evolving concept of Mahasagar.

Introduced by Prime Minister Narendra Modi in 2015 during a visit to Mauritius, SAGAR—an acronym for Security and Growth for All in the Region—marked India’s strategic turn toward a more active maritime engagement in the Indian Ocean Region (IOR). SAGAR emphasized cooperative security, capacity building, and regional connectivity, positioning India as a net security provider in its maritime neighborhood (Pant & Singh, 2018). It underscored India’s commitment to a rules-based maritime order and inclusive development, rooted in mutual respect and sovereignty.

While SAGAR was largely focused on the Indian Ocean littoral, the geopolitical landscape has undergone rapid transformation since its articulation. China's growing footprint in the IOR, the consolidation of multilateral initiatives such as the Quadrilateral Security Dialogue (Quad), and the intensification of US-China rivalry have expanded the strategic bandwidth of the Indo-Pacific. In response, India's maritime vision has evolved beyond the boundaries of SAGAR into a more expansive and integrated conceptualization—referred as Mahasagar, a Sanskrit term meaning "great ocean."

Mahasagar reflects a shift from a regionalist outlook to one that embraces a wider Indo-Pacific identity. This conceptual expansion is evident in India’s increasing engagement with partners beyond the Indian Ocean—particularly in Southeast Asia, East Asia, and the Pacific Islands (MEA, 2019). This signifies a strategic intent to shape, rather than merely participate in, the Indo-Pacific architecture. India’s evolving maritime doctrine is also driven by economic imperatives. Over 90% of India’s trade by volume and 70% by value is seaborne, making secure Sea Lines of Communication (SLOCs) a critical national interest (Raja Mohan, 2015). Energy security, especially oil imports from the Gulf, hinges on the free flow of maritime commerce through strategic chokepoints such as the Strait of Hormuz and the Strait of Malacca. Furthermore, the promotion of the Blue Economy—sustainable use of ocean resources for economic growth, improved livelihoods, and marine health—is central to India’s developmental vision in the Indo-Pacific. India’s maritime engagements also reflect a normative commitment to multilateralism and inclusive development (Scott, 2020).

This paper argues that India’s maritime strategy has undergone a substantive transformation over the past decade. This evolution, shaped by external challenges and internal reorientation, reflects the growing strategic maturity of Indian foreign policy. By examining the trajectory from SAGAR to Mahasagar, the paper seeks to unpack the drivers, mechanisms, and implications of India’s maritime resurgence in the Indo-Pacific.

Conceptual Framework: Understanding the Indo-Pacific

The term "Indo-Pacific" has rapidly evolved from a niche strategic concept into a dominant geopolitical framework shaping contemporary international relations. It transcends the older, narrower formulation of the “Asia-Pacific” by incorporating the Indian Ocean alongside the Pacific Ocean, thereby recognizing the strategic interlinkages between South Asia, Southeast Asia, East Asia, and the African coast. While the Indo-Pacific construct varies slightly across countries in terms of geographical scope and strategic emphasis, its core revolves around maritime connectivity, economic interdependence, and the balance of power in a multipolar regional order.

From Asia-Pacific to Indo-Pacific: A Shift in Strategic Imagination

The Asia-Pacific paradigm—prominent throughout the Cold War and early post-Cold War years—largely focused on East Asia and the Western Pacific, centering on the US-China-Japan triangle and ASEAN economies. However, as economic and strategic dynamics began shifting westward, the Indian Ocean emerged as an equally critical space. The rise of India, the growing presence of China in the Indian Ocean, the energy dependencies of East Asian economies on West Asia, and the increasing connectivity of maritime supply chains led to a new integrated vision of the Indo-Pacific.

The term gained prominence through the strategic discourses of countries like Japan, where Prime Minister Shinzo Abe spoke of a "confluence of the two seas" in his 2007 address to the Indian Parliament—a foundational moment in Indo-Pacific thinking (Abe, 2007). The United States later institutionalized the term through its Indo-Pacific Strategy, and Australia and ASEAN have followed suit with their respective policy formulations. Despite varied interpretations, the Indo-Pacific framework rests on several shared principles:

• A commitment to a free, open, and rules-based order;
• Promotion of inclusive economic development;
• Respect for sovereignty and international law, particularly the UNCLOS;
• Balancing China’s assertiveness without direct containment.

The Indo-Pacific as a Geopolitical Theatre

The Indo-Pacific is home to some of the world’s most critical sea lines of communication (SLOCs), including the Strait of Hormuz, Bab el-Mandeb, Strait of Malacca, and Lombok Strait. These chokepoints handle the bulk of global oil shipments, trade flows, and submarine internet cables—making maritime security a foundational concern. The region is also a hotspot of strategic rivalries: U.S.-China tensions in the South China Sea and Taiwan Strait, China-India competition in the Indian Ocean, and overlapping territorial claims in maritime Southeast Asia. Additionally, the Indo-Pacific accounts for over 60% of global GDP, 50% of global trade, and a majority of the world's population, including four nuclear powers (India, China, Pakistan, and the United States). This economic weight reinforces the necessity of an open and secure maritime domain to ensure global prosperity. Consequently, the Indo-Pacific is both a connector and a contested space—one where strategic partnerships and maritime diplomacy are critical.

India’s Place in the Indo-Pacific

India’s location—at the crossroads of the Indian Ocean and close to key SLOCs—gives it a natural geographic centrality in the Indo-Pacific discourse. However, India's approach has historically been cautious, marked by its commitment to non-alignment and strategic autonomy. India’s version of the Indo-Pacific is distinct in its emphasis on inclusivity and non-exclusionary frameworks. As articulated by Prime Minister Modi at the 2018 Shangri-La Dialogue, India envisions a “free, open, inclusive, and rules-based Indo-Pacific”, grounded in respect for sovereignty and international law (MEA, 2018). Unlike the more security-oriented U.S. vision or the infrastructure-driven Chinese BRI, India's Indo-Pacific approach combines strategic balancing, development cooperation, and normative leadership.

The Indo-Pacific, as a strategic construct, reflects a reimagining of global maritime geopolitics in response to shifting power dynamics and interconnected security challenges. The Indo-Pacific is no longer peripheral to India’s interests—it is central to its aspirations as a rising power. Understanding this conceptual shift is essential for analyzing the evolution of India’s maritime strategy. From a cautious continental state to an emerging maritime player, India’s journey through the Indo-Pacific narrative is emblematic of its broader transition toward becoming a pivotal actor in the 21st-century world order.

SAGAR Doctrine: Origins and Objectives

India’s maritime strategy witnessed a significant evolution with the articulation of the SAGAR Doctrine—Security and Growth for All in the Region—by Prime Minister Narendra Modi in March 2015 during a state visit to Mauritius. Positioned as a comprehensive framework to guide India’s engagement with the Indian Ocean Region (IOR), the SAGAR initiative signaled a doctrinal shift from reactive maritime policy to a more proactive and inclusive approach. It emphasized India’s aspiration to be a net security provider and a responsible stakeholder in promoting regional stability, prosperity, and cooperation.

Core Principles of the SAGAR Doctrine

SAGAR is grounded in five interrelated principles that collectively define India’s strategic outlook in the Indian Ocean Region:

• Respect for Sovereignty and International Law: India’s approach under SAGAR emphasizes peaceful cooperation and adherence to established international legal norms, especially the United Nations Convention on the Law of the Sea (UNCLOS). This positions India in contrast to revisionist powers that pursue unilateral maritime claims (MEA, 2015).
• Collective Security Architecture: SAGAR proposes the idea of regional maritime security based on dialogue, coordination, and shared responsibility. India has taken a lead in organizing multilateral naval exercises such as MILAN, promoting naval interoperability, and contributing to maritime domain awareness in the IOR.
• Economic Connectivity and Blue Economy: A central tenet of SAGAR is the integration of economic development with maritime engagement. India has promoted port development (e.g., in Seychelles, Mauritius), fisheries, and ocean-based tourism as part of its vision to promote sustainable development across island and coastal states (Pant & Singh, 2018).
• Capacity Building and Humanitarian Assistance: SAGAR also emphasizes India's role in building the capacities of smaller island nations, especially in naval training, hydrography, and disaster risk reduction. India's rapid deployment of aid during natural disasters, such as the 2015 water crisis in the Maldives and the 2020 cyclone relief in Madagascar, has demonstrated this commitment.
• Environmental Stewardship and Climate Resilience: Recognizing the environmental vulnerabilities of the IOR, especially for island nations, SAGAR incorporates climate resilience as a key objective. India's promotion of initiatives such as the International Solar Alliance and collaboration with Pacific Island nations underlines this holistic approach (Scott, 2020).

SAGAR in Practice: Key Partnerships and Instruments

The operationalization of SAGAR is evident in India’s active maritime diplomacy and infrastructure projects:

• Infrastructure Development: India has supported port development in countries like Chabahar (Iran) and Sittwe (Myanmar), enabling regional connectivity while countering China’s influence in the IOR.
• Defense Cooperation: India has signed Logistics Exchange Agreements and conducted bilateral naval exercises with countries like France, Australia, Indonesia, and Vietnam, reflecting an expanded vision of maritime cooperation.
• Humanitarian Missions: Operations like Samudra Setu (2020), conducted during the COVID-19 pandemic, and India’s support during the Tonga volcanic eruption in 2022, highlight the humanitarian dimension of SAGAR.
• Regional Multilateralism: India has taken an active role in IORA, advocating initiatives such as the IORA Working Group on Maritime Safety and Security. Its involvement in ASEAN-led forums, including the East Asia Summit (EAS) and ADMM-Plus, further extends SAGAR’s principles into the wider Indo-Pacific.

The SAGAR Doctrine represents a decisive pivot in India’s maritime strategy—anchored in inclusivity, regional security, and sustainable development. It serves as a foundational layer upon which India’s broader Indo-Pacific vision has been built.

The Expansion toward Mahasagar: India has commemorated the tenth anniversary of its SAGAR— doctrine by upgrading it to the MAHASAGAR vision. During his visit to Mauritius in March 2025, Prime Minister Narendra Modi introduced India's new vision for the Global South, called "Mahasagar" or "Mutual and Holistic Advancement for Security and Growth Across Regions” (What is Mahasagar vision new policy for global south unveiled by pm modi in mauritius, 2025). The Mahasagar, literally "great ocean," symbolizes India’s strategic evolution from a subregional maritime power to a leading stakeholder in the entire Indo-Pacific maritime commons. It reflects a deeper recalibration of India’s maritime posture to address the growing complexity and strategic fluidity of the Indo-Pacific region. Thus, the concept of Mahasagar is a discourse that builds upon SAGAR, reaching beyond the Indian Ocean to encompass interconnected maritime theaters, including Southeast Asia, the South Pacific, West Asia, and East Africa (Brewster, 2023). Mahasagar is not merely a poetic expression—it encapsulates India’s civilizational maritime ethos and signals a contemporary strategic vision. It reflects India’s evolving maritime consciousness and intent to engage more substantively with partners across the Indo-Pacific. The concept underscores:

• Mutuality in cooperation and shared security: Marking a transition from a primarily subregional focus within the Indian Ocean Region (IOR) to a transoceanic strategic engagement encompassing the wider Indo-Pacific.
• Holistic development: Prioritizing connectivity, resilient infrastructure, sustainable blue economy initiatives, and coordinated disaster response mechanisms as pillars of regional stability.
• A rules-based maritime order: Advocating for inclusive regional frameworks that respect sovereignty, international law, and the United Nations Convention on the Law of the Sea (UNCLOS).
• Plurilateral and multilateral leadership: Signaling a shift from traditional bilateral assistance towards collective action and institutional leadership in regional and global maritime governance.
• India’s emerging role as a shaper of maritime order: Recognizing both the capacity and responsibility to co-create and uphold a secure, stable, and prosperous Indo-Pacific.

This conceptual shift also coincides with the rise of China as a maritime power, deepening U.S.-China contestation, the resurgence of naval capabilities among middle powers (Japan, Australia, Indonesia), and the growing salience of SLOC protection, submarine deterrence, and naval diplomacy. In this context, India has started viewing the Pacific and Indian Oceans as a strategic continuum rather than two distinct spheres. Mahasagar redefines India’s maritime ambitions from regional stewardship to global connectivity, emphasizing integrated maritime infrastructure, defense diplomacy, and blue economy development. It aligns with India’s increasing stake in global commons, secure supply chains, and sustainable ocean governance. However, the challenge for the Indian Navy lies in correlating the concept of MAHASAGAR to the maritime geography and security and capacity-building of its Areas of Interest (AOI).

Naval Modernization, Port Development, and Maritime Domain Awareness

India’s strategic recalibration under Mahasagar can only be materially realized through the modernization of its naval forces, port-led development, and enhanced maritime domain awareness (MDA). India's maritime military posture is undergoing a transformation driven by the Indian Navy’s doctrine of being a “net security provider” in the region. The Navy’s Maritime Capabilities Perspective Plan (MCPP) envisions a 175-ship fleet, including aircraft carriers, nuclear submarines, and advanced stealth frigates by 2035 (Indian Navy, 2020). The INS Vikrant, India’s first indigenous aircraft carrier, commissioned in 2022, represents a significant stride toward strategic autonomy.

The Navy is also prioritizing:

• Development of anti-submarine warfare capabilities.
• Indigenous construction under Make in India and Aatmanirbhar Bharat programs.
• Forward presence missions and basing arrangements in friendly states, reflecting a shift from a brown-water to a blue-water navy (Scott, 2020).

Complementing naval modernization is the Sagarmala Project, which aims to transform India into a global maritime hub through port-led industrialization and logistics connectivity. With over 500 planned projects, it enhances infrastructure across major and non-major ports, promotes coastal shipping, and links economic corridors with the hinterland (Ministry of Ports, 2023).

Moreover, India has invested in overseas port infrastructure to gain strategic leverage:

• Chabahar Port (Iran): An entry point into Afghanistan and Central Asia.
• Sittwe Port (Myanmar): A gateway to India’s northeast via the Kaladan Multimodal Transit.
• Duqm Port (Oman): It offers Indian naval access and logistical support in the western IOR.

Deepening Ties with Island Nations and Littoral States

A cornerstone of Mahasagar is India's renewed engagement with island nations and small littoral states, which are crucial for both strategic reach and maritime influence.

Indian Ocean Island Nations: India has expanded strategic cooperation with countries such as:

• Maldives: Military infrastructure development, joint EEZ surveillance, and a coastal radar network.
• Mauritius: Assistance in coast guard operations and hydrographic surveys.
• Seychelles: Joint development of military infrastructure on Assumption Island.

These partnerships are supported by Lines of Credit, technical assistance, and capacity-building programs offered through institutions like the Indian Technical and Economic Cooperation (ITEC).

East African Littorals: India’s outreach to East Africa—especially Kenya, Tanzania, and Mozambique—reflects its Indo-Pacific convergence strategy, bolstered by defense agreements and port investments. The India-Africa Forum Summit series and the Project Mausam cultural initiative deepen India’s historical links to the Swahili coast (Pant & Singh, 2019).

South Pacific Outreach: India has begun modest but meaningful engagement with South Pacific Island states, particularly through climate finance, disaster resilience programs, and diplomatic outreach under the Forum for India-Pacific Islands Cooperation (FIPIC). These relationships build India’s image as a partner of preference, countering external powers that may engage through exploitative economic dependencies.

A major imperative behind the shift from SAGAR to Mahasagar is strategic balancing vis-à-vis China, whose expanding maritime footprint through the Belt and Road Initiative (BRI) and String of Pearls strategy presents a direct challenge to India’s primacy in the IOR.

Challenges in Realizing the Mahasagar Vision: India’s maritime evolution from SAGAR to the more expansive Mahasagar represents a bold reimagining of its role as a regional and global maritime power. However, the ambition to shape a secure, inclusive, and prosperous Indo-Pacific order faces significant headwinds. From internal limitations such as resource constraints and bureaucratic inertia to external factors like China’s growing dominance, climate vulnerabilities, and complex geopolitical dynamics, the path to realizing the Mahasagar vision is strewn with strategic and operational challenges.

1.      Resource Limitations and Bureaucratic Inertia: Despite India’s rising maritime ambitions, financial constraints and institutional inefficiencies have hampered the full realization of its strategic objectives. While the Indian Navy has been projected as the primary instrument of maritime power projection, it has frequently faced budgetary shortfalls relative to the Army and Air Force. In the 2023–24 defense budget, the Navy received only 17% of the total defense allocation, despite its centrality to India's Indo-Pacific strategy (Ministry of Defence, 2023). India’s capital acquisition plans for naval modernization—including submarines, aircraft carriers, and multi-role helicopters—have often been delayed or downscaled due to fiscal limitations and procurement bottlenecks. The much-anticipated Project 75I submarine program, for instance, has faced repeated postponements due to complex transfer-of-technology negotiations and bureaucratic delays (Shukla, 2022). Additionally, India's maritime institutional framework remains fragmented. Multiple ministries and departments (e.g., Shipping, Defence, External Affairs, and Commerce) operate with overlapping mandates and limited inter-agency coordination. The absence of a dedicated maritime strategy institution—akin to the U.S. Office of Naval Intelligence or China’s State Oceanic Administration—limits India's ability to pursue a unified maritime grand strategy.

2.      China’s Growing Dominance and Influence: A major challenge to India’s Mahasagar ambitions is the aggressive expansion of Chinese influence in the Indo-Pacific, particularly in the Indian Ocean Region (IOR). China’s Belt and Road Initiative (BRI) and the associated Maritime Silk Road (MSR) have created a dense network of port developments, economic dependencies, and strategic footholds that complicate India’s maritime environment. The so-called “String of Pearls”—China’s network of port and maritime bases stretching from Gwadar in Pakistan to Djibouti in East Africa—has introduced a strategic encirclement of India (Brewster, 2014). China’s military logistics facility in Djibouti, control over Hambantota Port in Sri Lanka, and port projects in Myanmar, Maldives, and Seychelles present both symbolic and operational challenges to India’s influence. These infrastructure ventures often come with opaque financing and debt risks, enabling Beijing to exert significant leverage over smaller states. India’s attempts to counter this through its own port diplomacy (e.g., Chabahar, Sittwe) have seen mixed success due to delays, regional instability, or competition with China-backed alternatives. China has also expanded its naval presence in the Indian Ocean through anti-piracy patrols, submarine deployments, and intelligence-gathering missions. The presence of Chinese surveillance ships near strategic chokepoints like the Andaman Sea and the Maldives undermines India’s exclusive sphere of influence and forces it to stretch limited maritime resources for constant monitoring and deterrence (Cordesman, 2020).

3.      Climate Change and Environmental Security: The Mahasagar vision, while primarily strategic, cannot ignore the looming threats of climate change and environmental degradation, especially in the Indian Ocean. Rising sea levels, frequent cyclones, coral bleaching, and illegal fishing are undermining regional sustainability and directly affecting India’s coastal and island partners. Low-lying island states like Maldives, Seychelles, and Mauritius—key partners in India’s maritime outreach—face existential threats from rising sea levels and extreme weather events. India has supported regional efforts in climate adaptation through the Coalition for Disaster Resilient Infrastructure (CDRI) and HADR missions, but its own coastal vulnerability limits the extent of its outreach (TERI, 2022). The Indian Ocean is increasingly threatened by plastic pollution, oil spills, and illegal, unreported, and unregulated (IUU) fishing. India’s coastal economy and Blue Economy goals are jeopardized by the lack of comprehensive ocean governance and enforcement mechanisms. Regional initiatives, such as the Indian Ocean Tuna Commission (IOTC), have limited enforcement capacity, and India must lead in building norms and institutions for sustainable maritime resource management.

4.      Balancing Strategic Assertiveness with Inclusive Diplomacy: Perhaps the most delicate challenge is maintaining a balance between strategic assertiveness and inclusive diplomacy. While India seeks to project itself as a leading maritime power, it must avoid alienating smaller nations or contributing to regional polarization. India’s involvement in the Quad and its increasing security cooperation with the U.S., Japan, and Australia have raised concerns in parts of Southeast Asia and Africa about potential bloc politics or containment strategies. India must tread carefully to ensure that its defense engagements do not overshadow its development and diplomatic commitments (Mohan, 2021). India’s repeated emphasis on ASEAN centrality and its Indo-Pacific Oceans Initiative (IPOI) are attempts to craft an open and non-coercive maritime framework, but these require institutional backing and sustained political capital. India’s preference for strategic autonomy sometimes results in ambiguity or policy inertia, especially in responding to crises or regional flashpoints (e.g., South China Sea disputes or Taiwan Strait tensions). This cautious approach can be interpreted as indecisiveness, limiting India's ability to lead or influence regional security debates. India must therefore develop a clear articulation of its red lines, priorities, and vision—not only to guide its partners but also to deter adversaries and unify domestic policymaking.

While the Mahasagar vision is a bold and necessary articulation of India’s maritime future, its realization is fraught with systemic, geopolitical, and environmental challenges. India must overcome bureaucratic inefficiencies, invest in strategic infrastructure, build resilient partnerships, and address non-traditional security threats like climate change and resource depletion. To emerge as a true shaper of the maritime order, India will need to back its vision with cohesive strategy, institutional reform, and regional leadership—grounded not in competition alone, but in cooperation, sustainability, and mutual respect.

Conclusion:  

From safeguarding its coastline and sea lanes to shaping regional governance, from bilateral security cooperation to norm-building on the high seas, India is steadily transitioning from a balancing actor to a shaping power in the Indo-Pacific. India’s Indo-Pacific journey is more than a strategic pivot—it is a civilizational reawakening. From ancient seafarers of Kalinga and Chola empires to 21st-century naval diplomacy, India’s maritime story is one of resilience, reinvention, and responsibility. As geopolitical tides shift and the oceans become arenas of contestation, India’s Mahasagar vision offers a framework that blends power with principle, ambition with inclusivity, and strategy with sustainability. In the decades to come, India’s role in the Indo-Pacific will not just be measured by tonnage of ships or range of missiles—but by the norms it champions, the coalitions it builds, and the futures it helps shape on the high seas.

The Mahasagar, thus, is not merely a geographic expanse—it is a strategic, ethical, and aspirational ocean. India’s destiny, increasingly, is being written in its waters. In his concluding remarks, Admiral Tripathi reaffirmed that India’s maritime strategy in the Indo-Pacific is based on strengthening collaboration, enhancing maritime diplomacy, and promoting a rules-based order. As he aptly stated, “Our strategic choices today will define the contours of the Indo-Pacific tomorrow.” The future of the Indo-Pacific, according to India’s strategic vision, will be shaped by collective efforts, where the seas are not only routes for economic growth but the foundation for regional stability. India’s proactive stance, bolstered by a capable and forward-looking navy, aims to contribute to a stable and secure Indo-Pacific, ensuring that the region can navigate its future with confidence amidst the uncertainties of the ‘new normal.’

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